Has the APC stepped into a booby trap at its  Convention?

It was a shocking abrupt and complete reversal of the advertised and evident position when actual voting did not take place in many instances, despite ballot boxes being lined up and properly marked for commencement of the voting procedure, which was announced many times by comperes at Eagle Square, Abuja, while emphasizing how the over 7000 delegates at the much-anticipated 2022 national convention of the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) would vote. The order of the day (or night) was obvious to all in attendance, as the voting area was clearly marked out and cordoned off with clear signage indicating where delegates from various states were expected to cast ballots for their preferred candidates in the APC’s National Executive Committee (NEC) election.

“The election of members of a political party’s executive committee or other governing body, including the election to fill a vacant position in any of the aforesaid bodies, shall be conducted in a democratic manner, allowing all members of the party or duly elected delegates to vote in support of a candidate of their choice,” says Section 82(3) of the Electoral Law.

President Muhammadu Buhari arrived more than six hours after his scheduled arrival time of 3:15 p.m. when the convention officially began. Political analysts attributed this to the time and effort required to reach an agreement on all of the posts up for grabs at the convention. However, many dissenting voices managed to rise above the Governor of Jigawa State, Abubakar Badaru’s flat monotone, as he affirmed the election of candidates through a voice vote, beginning with the office of the APC’s National Chairman, which is now occupied by Senator Abdullahi Adamu, a former governor of Nasarawa State.

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Although Nasarawa State Governor Abdullahi Sule fought hard for the APC national chairmanship to return to his home state, he chose his predecessor, Senator Tanko Al-Makura, who was an early starter in the contest. Adamu was completely absent from the scene. His newfound enthusiasm looked to be part of a well-coordinated strategy by a faction of the nation to impose an agenda in order to keep power. In the fourth quarter of last year, he was appointed to lead the APC’s National Reconciliation Committee. Unlike other candidates for the position, Adamu had the benefit of not having to spend his own money on that job, which was paid by the APC’s National Secretariat. He was marketing himself as he went throughout the nation on that assignment. When he finally made his intentions public, he was able to establish the required relationships, allowing him to identify himself as a “bridge builder.”

Adamu, in stark contrast to the persona he professes to embody, is not recognized for forging bonds across countries, cultures, or faiths, or for assisting in the improvement of communications. Rather, around the time he was charged with reuniting disgruntled APC members, Adamu, who represented Nasarawa West in the Senate until his recent election as APC National Chairman, demonstrated blatant antagonism to the country’s southern region. He famously said that the Southern region’s expectation that the presidency will be assigned to them in 2023 was wishful thinking.

President Buhari, who was instrumental in Adamu’s emergence through coercion, which is being coloured as respect for Mr. President, has been accused by the opposition of promoting a Northern agenda. He may have perfected a plan to have a Northerner succeed him, whether from the APC or the opposition Peoples Democratic Party (PDP).

Buhari also stepped in and appointed Yobe State Governor Mai Mala Buni as Chairman of the party’s Caretaker and Extraordinary Convention Planning Committee (CECPC) for a six-month period, which was extended to 18 months—a period snatched from a Southerner, Adams Oshiomhole—and allowed to run until the Southerner’s term was effectively over.

It didn’t matter how many people rejected the CECPC since it was a contraption that was not recognized under the APC’s laws. They were browbeaten into dropping their lawsuit against the party in court.

While it might be argued that the APC is taking a different path, it is widely assumed that the governing party is following in the footsteps of the major opposition, the PDP, by appointing its National Chairman from the North Central. The APC’s next move to further its great Northern agenda is to open up its presidential election to candidates from all regions of the nation. If the party is unable to field a northern presidential candidate, it will accept a northern PDP presidential candidate, especially if the opposition presidential candidate is Alhaji Atiku Abubakar or Governor Aminu Tambuwal of Sokoto State.

Disagreeing with this assumption, Dr. Kayode Ajulo, a constitutional lawyer based in Abuja, a campaigner for Vice President Yemi Osinbajo to become President in 2023, stated the party is “very wary about every aspect of the Electoral Act 2022.”

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“For the governing party, dread of every provision of the Act is the beginning of wisdom; I have the luxury of knowing that an Adhoc compliance team was put up to monitor all of their actions and omissions before to and during the convention.” Political appointees, for example, were denied the right to vote, and some were even removed from official positions. Some people in Ondo State and other states, for example, were told to leave their positions. Those who ran for office had to provide an acknowledgment of their resignation letter stating that they were no longer a political appointee. To be honest, I feel justified as I slate the party’s leadership for upholding the rule of law.”

“On the subject of consensus, all the positions were properly contended for since there are votes and resolution even when there is no opposition,” Ajulo said, “Those who withdrew were requested to come with a fully signed letter of withdrawal and or come to the podium for open declaration.” It’s going to be a better day, and it’s a positive sign for democracy.”

He was apparently unaware of other scenarios, like as the one in which Adie Ferdinand Atsu, a Cross River State competitor, denounced Barrister Alphonsus Eba Ogar “and his irresponsible statements concerning my resignation from the run for Deputy National Welfare Secretary.” He didn’t speak on my behalf or with my permission.”

Barrister (Mrs.) Helen Boco Effiom also said that she did not withdraw her candidacy for any candidate. “We’ve come to have his Grace vote for us.” Please dismiss any rumors that are circulating.”

“Without the aspirants’ permission.” In APC Cross River State, this is just another new low. The mindset of “they don’t matter” has grown out of control. Our Chairman couldn’t even convene a meeting with all those who purchased forms to peacefully align CRS viewpoints, as many other states did. Right, he thought he could simply stroll in and play a clever one. “It doesn’t operate that that; this is democracy,” exclaimed another vehement APC national convention delegate from Cross River State.

Badaru, the Jigawa governor tasked with announcing the results of the convention’s competitions, merely read from a piece of paper in his palm, each time stating, “Those in favor say ‘ayes,’ and without waiting for a response, proclaimed his decision, “the ayes have it!”

The whole APC national convention was broadcast live on television, giving enough proof for anybody who wishes to challenge it in court.

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Mr. Tonye Princewill, an APC leader from Rivers State, feels that democracy was not repressed, but rather fostered, during the conference. “Time will tell whether this is a booby trap or not,” he says. My impression is that the APC is a law-abiding party, and that we will not run into brick walls as the PDP leadership did while they were in office. Consensus is a legally recognized alternative, and the methods that lead to it are well-established. The post of National Vice Chairman South was voted for when Magnus Abe’s man refused to resign, and Worgu Boms was brutally defeated.”